Trump, he said, was often provided a speech outline before a rally and then told: “If you want to take a riff, take a riff, and that’s what he does best, when it’s impromptu”. He will change it up and change the cadence and change the sequencing up until the last second.”

“It’s a couple of people and Stephen was clearly speechwriter I would consider myself the architect of the speeches and Trump really a co-writer. They know that if we win, their power is gone, and it’s returned to you, the people, will be”).īannon, a former executive director of Breitbart News, told the Guardian that Trump’s 2015 speechwriting teams were typically small. Evidence of their influence creeping into Trump’s speeches include the Republican national convention speech in 2016 (“I have joined the political arena so that the powerful can no longer beat up on people who cannot defend themselves”), and an address in West Palm Beach, Florida, that year (“The corrupt establishment knows that we are a great threat to their criminal enterprise.

The research suggests Trump’s populism should really be credited to the likes of key advisors like Steve Bannon, Stephen Miller, and Vince Haley, who is head of speechwriting at the White House.īannon and Miller have strong reputations for populism. “He is consistently anti-establishment (but) the pro-people part changes depending on whether he’s coached or not.” wide Instead it’s more about him: ‘I’m here, I’m going to do this, my team, we’re awesome’,” Hawkins said. “In the extemporaneous speeches he doesn’t really talk a lot about the people he’ll talk about himself, about people on his team, but he doesn’t say things like, ‘Only you, the people, can rescue our country’. But unlike more consistent populists, Trump struggled, whenever he was speaking without a script, to deliver a message that was also people-centric. The president tended to reliably score high on the metric of anti-elitism, lashing out at the so-called Washington swamp or attacking America’s financial heavyweights, even when ad-libbing. Hawkins and Littvay also identified the specific reason why Trump appeared to stumble when off-script. Others may suggest Trump’s reliance on an automated script for his populism warrants the creation of a new label: telepopulist. Levente Littvay, an associate professor at Central European University, who also worked on the study, said the president might be best described as a half populist. But what really stood out was the remarkable inconsistency in levels of rightwing populist discourse in Trump’s speeches. No other Republican candidate, aside from Ted Cruz, scored as highly as Trump in the populism grade that researchers gave speeches. “This is powerful evidence that Trump’s populism is not entirely his own.” And they have much higher levels of populism,” he said. “Trump’s speeches with teleprompters all have longer words, longer sentences, and less frequent use of his pet words. 'I'm watching what they're doing with Biden where he's using teleprompters,' Trump said, and then attempted to imitate Biden, saying: 'Move it up, move it up, I can't see.Kirk Hawkins, an associate professor at Brigham Young University, said there was a “dramatic difference” in the language in Trump’s speeches, depending on whether or not they were scripted. I'm working my a** off, OK?' Trump said during a speech in Iowa in August of that year.ĭuring the 2020 campaign, Trump criticized Biden for using a teleprompter despite the fact Trump was making the remarks in front of teleprompters. Do you know how easy that would be? Instead of this.

'I say we should outlaw teleprompters for anybody, right? For anybody running for president. Trump even suggested teleprompters should be banned from the presidential campaign Maybe when you run, you shouldn't be allowed to use a teleprompter, because you find out what you're getting,' he said. In a speech in South Carolina in July 2016, as he was campaigning in the presidential election, Trump said of teleprompters: 'I don't like them.

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Donald trump teleprompt